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AWSJ: Struggles Of Malaysia's Mahathir By Dow Jones 14/3/2001 6:21 am Wed |
[Satu kritikan lembut dari AWSJ buat yang sudah dapat mencium
betapa Mahathir menggunakan sentimen perkauman dan tekanan
untuk mengekalkan cengkaman. Mahathir menghulur tangan perpaduan
tetapi dia tidak bersungguh mencegah keretakkan seperti di Kg Medan.
Malah dia menuduh ekstrim kepada Suqui tetapi tidak pula mengenakan
tangkapan. Yang terkena ialah Ezam dan komputer Raja Petra dengan
akta hasutan sebagai alasan. Tindakkan ini membayangkan kerajaan
begitu takut kuasa maklumat yang tersebar dari padang dan dari laman.
Mahathir tersepit bukan diluar sahaja tetapi dari dalam. Kekalahan
(di dalam menang) dalam pemilu lepas semakin meresahkannya kerana
golongan muda sudah bosan dengan Umno. Segala tohmahan sudah tidak
laku walaupun ia dipancar terus dan terang. Sebaliknya beribu-ribu
rakyat sanggup berhujan (dan disembur gas) untuk mendengar ceramah
pembangkang - dan Kubang Pasu tidak ketinggalan. Pihak BA boleh
menang tanpa melakukan kekacauan tetapi Umno pernah menang dengan
melakukan pergaduhan (krisis Kelantan) dan masih bergaduh walaupun
telah menang (kes ADUN Umno tampar ADUN DAP, Memali). Sampai sekarang
dalang tidak di apa-apakan dan kes didiamkan. Bagaiman pula dengan
Kg Medan? Editorial: Struggles Of Malaysia's Mahathir
Dow Jones Newswires (Editor's Note: This editorial appeared in Tuesday's Asian Wall Street
Journal.) The attacks on ethnic Indians in suburbs of Kuala Lumpur last week are
reminders of the passions that lurk just below the surface in
Malaysia. The choppings left six dead and more than 30 injured, and
shattered any illusion that race riots like those of 1969 could never
happen again. Most disturbing, witnesses said that the police were
initially slow to stop the attackers. Combined with other political
news out of Malaysia, this reminds us that racial tensions have been
on the rise in the country, leading to fears that the government of
Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad might play the race card more
intensively in order to shore up support from the Malay community.
Disunity within the Malay community has been growing, and it can be
largely traced back to the sacking and trial of former Deputy Prime
Minister Anwar Ibrahim. One result is that in the 1999 general
election, Dr. Mahathir's United Malays National Organization suffered
a shocking setback at the hands of the Islamic PAS Party in the north
of the country. Having announced he will retire from politics in 2004,
the prime minister is now seeking to patch up fissures within the
Malay voter base so his legacy will be protected. But since he himself
seems to be a divisive factor, this is a difficult task. One way to
accomplish it is convince Malays that their special privileges are
under threat, and only the UMNO-led coalition can keep them intact.
Remember that on National Day last August, Dr. Mahathir raised the
spectre of Chinese "extremists" seeking to upset racial harmony. It's
true that a Chinese group, Suqiu, had proposed that affirmative action
policies favoring Malays be scaled back. But opposition politicians
accused the prime minister of exaggerating the aims of Suqiu in order
to stir up feelings of resentment. Dr. Mahathir's outburst also served
notice on the minority communities that they must continue to accept
an inferior political status as a price for being allowed to live in
peace. But dividing the races in order to rule Malaysia would be a risky
game. Once the genie of resentment is out of the bottle, it may prove
difficult to put back in. And even within UMNO, Dr. Mahathir can't
count on support. He allowed some dissident members of the party to
stage a rally in Kuala Lumpur last month against the perceived
"threat" from the Chinese community. But the event went awry when many
of the speakers used the microphone to voice their dissatisfaction not
with the Chinese but with UMNO's own leaders. They accused the
government of failing to wipe out corruption and cronyism, much the
same criticism heard from the opposition.
It's becoming harder to prevent those criticisms from getting a public
airing. In the past the government could rely on repressive laws left
over from British colonial days - the Sedition Act, Internal Security
Act and Official Secrets Act. The police moved in on a Web site of the
Keadilan opposition party last week, raiding the home of editor Raja
Petra Kamaruddin and seizing several computers. But this is a Pyrrhic
victory - as soon as a Web site is closed, it triumphantly reopens on
servers overseas. The government is also trying to stop criticism from
abroad reaching Malaysians; it recently held up distribution of two
foreign news magazines, Asiaweek and the Far Eastern Economic Review,
which is owned by Dow Jones, publisher of this newspaper.
Last week the police arrested Mohamad Ezam Noor, who is head of the
youth wing of the Keadilan Party run by the wife of former Deputy
Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim. Mr. Ezam was accused of plotting
opposition rallies with the purpose of "ousting" the prime minister,
and the government evidently took ousting in the violent, rather than
democratic sense of the word. But since Mr. Ezam resembles a young Mr.
Anwar in terms of public appeal, his arrest is unlikely to help UMNO.
Critics like Mr. Ezam never made much of a dent in the past because
most Malays recognized that the ruling party was doing a pretty good
job of fostering economic development. That's no longer the universal
opinion. Moreover, while UMNO could once claim that it alone was
capable of navigating Malaysia through the shoals of racial conflict,
the PAS Party has been doing a creditable job in the states under its
control, and even seems to be solicitous of the Chinese community. So
it's becoming more difficult to paint PAS as Islamic fundamentalists
intent on destroying the secular state. Meanwhile, the Keadilan Party
is attracting younger, urban Malays who favor a more pluralistic form
of democracy. While objectively these are positive developments, in Malaysia they
may have the unfortunate effect of prompting the prime minister to up
the ante with more race baiting. It will certainly be interesting to
see whether there is a transparent investigation into the causes of
last week's violence. It's hardly reassuring that afterward Deputy
Prime Minister Abdullah Badawi advised local media to get their
accounts from the police, not witnesses.
That's particularly ironic because only a month ago Mr. Abdullah told
a Singapore audience that the Internet age means more pressure for
democracy because "the state's control over information will decline
even further, and so will its capacity to limit and shape people's
choices." It appears Mr. Abdullah, Prime Minister Mahathir's heir
apparent, hasn't yet given up hope of controlling the flow of
information. It's worth asking whether Malaysia is in danger of
stepping back from the world of democracy and the Internet into a
darker age of racial conflict and government repression.
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