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TJ MT MMM: Mengenai Grameen
29/3/2001 8:37 pm Thu
[Institusi Grammeen berjaya kerana ia memberi pinjaman kepada
rakyat miskin tanpa menjert mereka dengan beban yang sukar dirasa.
Hasilnya ia berkembang pesat sehingga banyak negara ingin mencontohi
ideanya. Di sinilah kepakaran memainkan peranan tetapi malaysia
lebih banyak berangan-angan sehingga bank sarat dengan hutang dan
skim amanah saham merudum sakan. Mereka menerokai bidang yang tidak
meyumbang kepada kemajuan majoriti - sebaliknya lebih tertumpu kepada
kepentingan minoriti. Patutlah hampir semua dana berkecai gagal pada
hari ini dan rakyat masih merempat di bumi sendiri. Yang gemuk dan
buncit hanyalah sang kroni.
Sila baca rencana tambahan dipenghujung rencana ini, semoga terbuka
hati kita betapa hubungan kemanusiaan lebih penting daripada
hubungan melalui kertas yang selalunya tidak berpanjangan.....
Ia membina satu masyarakat yang cemerlang.
Pada akhir 1980-an, kami mula memikirkan cara-cara untuk memperkukuhkan
jaringan niaga yang telah diwarnai oleh para peminjam kami dengan tujuan untuk
mempercepatkan usaha kemajuan mereka terhadap mewujudkan satu dunia yang bebas
daripada kemiskinan sambil memperbaiki prestasi ekonomi Bangladesh secara
menyeluruh. Pada tahap awalannya, kami terlibat dengan urusniaga pajakan kolam
ikan yang tidak digunakan secara berkesan dan pam peraliran air serta telaga. Di
waktu yang sama kami terlibat dalam mengaturkan latihan dan beberapa bentuk
sokongan kepada beberapa negara yang membangun yang berminat meniru kaedah
Dengan kejayaan awal dalam bidang perikanan dan projek perparitan, kami
menjadi semakin berminat dalam mengembangkan kerja-kerja kami dengan menceburi
beberapa bisnes lain dalam pelbagai sector yang baru. Di waktu itu semua
kerja-kerja di bawah inisiatif Grameen Bank sudah semakin membesar. Sejak 1989
kami pun mulakan penubuhan organisasi baru yang lain. Semua projek perikanan
menjadi yayasan Perikanan Grameen. Projek perparitan menjadi Yayasan Grameen
Krishi. Semua kerja-kerja penduaan antarabangsa dan program kesihatan telah
diletakkan di bawah seliaan Grameen Trust (Amanah Grameen).
Kami mempelawa sesiapa sahaja dan juga pertubuhan daripada seluruh dunia untuk
menghubungi kami dan memberitahu bagaimana mereka selesa bekerjasama dengan kami
dan/atau pun mencadangkan idea baru yang boleh mencetuskan pemikiran bisnes
yang baru yang dapat memenuhi objektif pembangunan sosial dan pertubuhan
In 1976 when Professor Muhammad Yunus and his colleagues
started giving out tiny loans under a system which later become
known as the Grameen Bank, we never imagined that some day
we would be reaching hundreds of thousands, let alone two
million, borrowers. But the capabilities and commitment of our
staff and borrowers gave us the courage to expand boldly. We
hardly noticed when we reached milestones like 100,000
borrowers, $ 1 billion lent, 2 million borrowers and so forth.
Everyone predicted that the quality of the services we provided
would deteriorate when we reached large numbers; yet, in reality,
in many ways it improved.
In the late 1980s, we started to think of ways in which we could
build on the network that our borrowers represented, in order to
accelerate their progress towards a poverty-free world and also
improve Bangladesh's overall economic performance. So, in the
beginning, we got involved in leasing unutilized and underutilized
fishing ponds and irrigation pumps such as deep tubewells. At
about the same time, we also became involved in providing
training and other support to people from other third world
countries who wanted to adapt the Grameen methodology.
After some initial successes in the fisheries and irrigation
projects, we became interested in expanding our work by getting
involved in other busines in various new sectors. By this time,
carrying out all these initiatives under Grameen Bank became
unwieldy, and from 1989 we began to establish new
organizations. The fisheries project became the Grameen
Fisheries Foundation. The irrigation project became the Grameen
Krishi Foundation. The international replication and health
program were put under the Grameen Trust.
As we moved forward, we gained confidence and became more
and more bold in our non-banking activities. We became
involved in venture capital, the textile industry, an Internet
service provider and much more. Each new initiative was
incorporated in an extending organization or spun off into a new
one. This became what we call the Grameen Family of
Organizations. Recently, we have hired some very qualified and
committed people to become the CEOs of these organizations,
and we have high hopes for their capacity to improve the lives of
the rural poor in Bangladesh and abroad.
We welcome people and organizations from all over the world to
contact us and let us know how they would like to work in
partnership with our existing organizations and/or propose new
ideas that may lead to new business ideas which fulfill the social
development objectives and organizations in the Grameen
Rujukkan Tambahan 1:
THE PEOPLE'S FUND was created by Grameen Trust (GT) in 1995 to
support the Grameen Bank Replication Program all around the world
as part of its objective to reach the poorest of the poor with
microcredit. Grameen Trust believes that people can take the lead
and show the way for the governments and international institutions
to mobilize funds for poverty alleviation. It wishes to reach one
million people who would each contribute $100 to fulfill the
educational and financial mission of the People's Fund. The Grameen
Bank Replication Program is aimed at helping to establish, train,
fund, and support a growing number of poverty-reduction programs
modeled after the Grameen Bank of Bangladesh in developing countries.
It has already provided support to 70 micro-credit programs in 28
countries. To know more about THE PEOPLE'S FUND, please visit at
Rujukkan Tambahan 2:
The Guardian London, October 31, 1998
Muhammad Yunus is a banker with a plan to end world poverty with £17 and
a lot of trust. And it works. Here he is to explain how:
There are many ways for people to die, but somehow dying of starvation is
the most unacceptable of all. It happens in slow motion. Second by second,
the distance between life and death becomes smaller and smaller.
At one point, life and death are in such close proximity one can hardly
see the difference, and one literally doesn't know if the mother and child
prostrate on the ground are of this world or the next. Death happens so
quietly, so inexorably, you don't even hear it.
And all this happens because a person does not have a handful of food to
eat at each meal. The tiny baby, who does not yet understand the mystery of
the world, cries and cries, and finally falls asleep, without the milk it
needs so badly.
The next day may be it won't even have the strength to cry. I used to get
excited teaching my university students in Bangladesh how economic
theories provided answers to economic problems of all types. I got carried
away by the beauty and elegance of these theories. Yet all of a sudden I
started having an empty feeling. What good were all these elegant theories
when people died of starvation on pavements and on doorsteps? My classroom
now seemed to me like a cinema where you could relax because you knew that
the good guy in the film would ultimately win. In the classroom I knew,
right from the beginning, that each economic problem would have an elegant
ending. But when I came out of the classroom I was faced with the real
world. Here, good guys were mercilessly beaten and trampled. I wanted to
understand the reality around a poor person's existence and discover the
real life economics that were played out every day in the neighbouring
village, and went to Jobra.
I decided I would become a student all over again, and Jobra would be my university.
One day, as my colleague and I were making our rounds in Jobra, we stopped at
a completely run-down house. We saw a woman working with bamboo, making a stool.
She was squatting on the dirt floor of her veranda under the low, rotten,
thatched roof of her house, totally absorbed in her work. She was holding
the half-finished stool between her knees while plaiting the strands of
Children were running around naked in the yard. Neighbours appeared and
watched us, wondering what we were doing there.
She was in her early twenties, thin, with dark skin, black eyes. She wore
a red sari and could have been any one of a million women who labour every
day from morning to night in utter destitution.
Her name was Sufia Begum and she was 21 years old.
'Do you own this bamboo?' I asked her.
`Yes.' `How do you get it?' `I buy it.' `How much does the bamboo cost you?'
`Five taka.' That was 13 pence.
`Do you have five taka?' `No, I borrow it from the paikars.'
`The middlemen? What is your arrangement with them?'
`I must sell my bamboo stools back to them at the end of the day, so as to
repay my loan. That way what is left over to me is my profit.'
`How much do you sell it for?'
`Five taka and 50 paisa.'
`So you make 50 paisa profit?' She nodded. That came to a profit of just
over a penny.
`And could you borrow the cash and buy your own raw material?'
`Yes, but the money-lender would demand a lot. And people who start with
them only get poorer.' `How much do the money-lenders charge?'
`It depends. Sometimes they charge 10% per week. I even have a neighbour who
is paying 10% per day.'
`How much do the money-lenders charge?'
`It depends. Sometimes they charge 10% per week. I even have a neighbour who is paying 10% per day.'
Sufia set to work again, because she did not want to lose any time talking
with us. I watched her small, brown hands plaiting the strands of bamboo as they had
every day for months and years on end. This was her livelihood. She
squatted barefoot on the hard mud. Her fingers were callused, her nails
black with grime.
It seemed to me that Sufia's status as virtually a bonded slave was never
going to change if she could not find that five taka to start with. Credit
could bring her that money. She could then sell her products in a free
market and could get a much better spread between the cost of her
materials and her sale price.
The next day I called in a university student who collected data for me,
and I asked her to assist me in making a list of how many in Jobra, like
Sufia, were borrowing from traders and missing out on what they should have
been earning from the fruits of their labours.
Within a week, we had prepared a list. It named 42 people who in total had
borrowed 856 taka, a total of less than £17.
`My God, my God, all this misery in all these 42 families all because of
the lack of £17!' I exclaimed.
My mind wouldn't let this problem lie. I wanted to be of help to these 42
able-bodied, hard-working people. I kept going round and round the problem,
like a dog worrying his bone. If I lent them £17, they could sell their
products to anyone; they could then get the highest possible return for
their labour, and would not be limited to the usurious practices of the
traders and money-lenders.
I lent them £17 and said they could repay me whenever they could afford
to. Over the next week, it struck me that what I had done was not
sufficient because it was only a personal and emotional solution. I had
simply lent £17, but what I had to do was to provide an institutional
That was the beginning of it all. I was not trying to become a
money-lender, I had no intention of lending money to anyone; all I really
wanted was to solve an immediate problem. Even to this day I still view
myself, my work and that of my colleagues, as devoted to solving the same
immediate problem: the problem of poverty which humiliates and denigrates
everything that a human being stands for.
We did not know anything about how to run a bank for the poor, so we had
to learn from scratch. I wanted to cover all aspects of rural lives such as
trading, small manufacturing, retailing and even selling door to door. I
want this to be a rural bank, not a bank merely concerned with crops and
farms. So I called it Grameen Bank which comes from the word `gram' and
means `village'. I soon discovered the world's basic banking principle,
namely that: `The more you have, the more you get." And conversely that `If
you don't have it, you don't get it."
Our clients do not need to show how large their savings are and how much
wealth they have, they need to prove how poor they are, how little savings
To my amazement and surprise the repayment of loans by people who borrow
without collateral is much better than those whose borrowings are secured
by enormous assets. Indeed, more than 98% of our loans are repaid because
the poor know this is the only opportunity they have to break out of their
poverty. And they don't have any cushion whatsoever to fall back on. If
they fall foul of this one loan, how will they survive? On the other hand,
people who are well-off don't care what the law will do to them because
they know how to manipulate it. People at the bottom are afraid of
everything, so they want to do a good job because they have to. They have
no choice. In structuring our own loans, I made the payments so small that
the borrower would not miss the money, would not even notice it. This was
a way to overcome the psychological barrier of `parting with all that
money'. I decided to make it a daily payment. The monitoring would be
easier, I would be able to tell right away who was paying and who was
falling behind in their payments.
I also thought it would enhance self-discipline among people who had never
borrowed before in their lives, and would give them the confidence that
they could manage it.
Slowly we developed our own delivery/recovery mechanism, and of course we
made many mistakes along the way.
Today we have arrived at a simple repayment mechanism that all our
borrowers understand almost immediately: one-year loans, equal weekly
instalments, repayment starts one week after the loan, interest rate of
20% [far less than the usurers], repayment amounts to 2% per week for 50
weeks. Now we have more than 12,000 employees and 1,112 branches in
Bangladesh. The staff meet more than 2,300,000 borrowers face to face to
each week, on their doorstep. Each month we lend out more than $35m in tiny
loans. At the same time, almost, a similar amount comes back to us in
If Grameen was to work, we had to trust our clients. From the very first
day, we decided that in our system there would be no room for the police.
We never use the judiciary in seeking repayment of our loans. We assume
that we know how to do our business.
If we don't, we should get out of banking and go into some other venture.
We do not involve lawyers, or any outsiders.
It is our business, and we try to ensure repayments as best we can. That
is our job.
There is no legal instrument between the lender and the borrower. We feel
our relationship is with people, not with papers. We build up the human
link based on trust. Grameen succeeds or fails depending on how strong our
personal relationship is with the borrowers.
Our experience with bad debt is less than 1%. Even then, Grameen does not
conclude that a defaulting borrower is a bad person. Rather, that their
personal circumstances were so hard that they could not pay back their tiny
loan. So why should we run after lawyers for them to give us the blue
pieces of paper, the yellow pieces of paper, the pink pieces of paper? Bad
loans of 0.5% is the cost of doing business, and it also represents a
constant reminder of what we need to improve in order to succeed.
Gradually we focused almost exclusively on lending to women. If the goals
of economic development include improved standards of living, removal of
poverty, access to dignified employment, and reduction in inequality, then
it is quite natural to start with women. They constitute the majority of
the poor, the under-employed and the economically and socially
disadvantaged. And since they were closer to the children, women were also
our key to the future of Bangladesh.
This was not easy. The first and most formidable opposition came from the
husbands. Next the mullahs. Then the professional people, and even
Being poor in Bangladesh is tough for everyone, but being a poor woman is
toughest of all. When she is given the smallest opportunity, she struggles
extra hard to get out of poverty. A poor woman in our society is totally insecure: she is insecure in her
husband's house because he can throw her out any time he wishes. He can
divorce her by merely saying three times: `I divorce thee, I divorce thee,
I divorce thee.' She cannot read and write, and generally she has never
been allowed out of her house to earn money, even if she has wanted to. She
is insecure in her in-laws' house, for the same reason as she was in her
parents' house: they are just waiting to get her out so they will have one
less mouth to feed.
A poor woman in our society is totally insecure: she is insecure in her husband's house because he can throw her out any time he wishes. He can divorce her by merely saying three times: `I divorce thee, I divorce thee, I divorce thee.' She cannot read and write, and generally she has never been allowed out of her house to earn money, even if she has wanted to. She is insecure in her in-laws' house, for the same reason as she was in her parents' house: they are just waiting to get her out so they will have one less mouth to feed.
If she is divorced and returns to her parents, she becomes a disgrace and
is unwanted there.
So given any opportunity at all, a poor woman in our society wants to
build up her security - her financial security.
From our experience, it became evident that destitute women adapted
quicker and better to the self-help process than men. Poor women had the
vision to see further and were willing to work harder to get out of
poverty because they suffered the most. The women paid more attention,
prepared their children to have better lives, and were more consistent in
their performance than men.
Money going though a woman in a household brought more benefits to the
family as a whole than money entering the household through a man.
The life story of Ammajan Amina, one of our first borrowers, illustrates
what micro-credit can do for a street beggar. Of her six children, four
had died of hunger or disease. Only two daughters survived. Her husband,
much older than her, was ill. For several years, he had spent most of the
family assets on trying to find a cure.
After his death, all that Amina had left was the house. She was in her
forties, which is old by Bangladesh standards, illiterate and had never
earned an income before. Her in-laws tried to expel her and her children
from the house where she had lived for 20 years, but she refused to leave.
She tried selling home-made cakes and biscuits door-to-door, but one day
she returned to find her brother-in-law had sold her tin roof, and the
buyer was busy removing it. Now the rainy season started, and she was
cold, hungry and too poor to make food to sell. All she had, she used to
feed her own children.
Because she was a proud woman, she begged, but only in nearby villages. As
she had no roof to protect her house, the monsoon destroyed her mud walls.
One day when she returned she found her house had collapsed, and she
`Where is my daughter? Where is my baby?' She found her older child dead
under the rubble of her house.
When my colleague Nurjahan met her in 1976, she held her only surviving
child in her arms. She was hungry, heartbroken and desperate.
There was no question of any money-lender, much less a commercial bank,
giving her credit. But with small loans she started making bamboo baskets
and remained a borrower to the end of her days. Now her daughter is a
member of Grameen.
Today, we have more than two million such life stories, one for each of
Guardian CultureShop, 250