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MGG: The President's university By M.G.G. Pillai 12/7/2001 5:02 am Thu |
[Lampu hijau untuk UTAR sudah lama menyala - ia tidak dikhabarkan
segera sahaja kerana Ling menunggu waktu yang sebaiknya. Pengumumum
secara tiba-tiba ini amat mengejutkan ahli MCA sendiri yang tidakpun
diajak merundinginya. Cuma beberapa kerat yang tahu mengenainya.
Malah parlimen pun tidak diberitahu agar dapat didebatkan untung
ruginya. Nampak sangat BN mahu Likas jatuh ketangannya selepas teraib
di Lunas dengan teruknya. Patutlah isu negara Islam berkitar semula
dan Mahathir mengambil penasihat istimewa dari kaum Cina. Dan supaya
tidak lupa, kaum Cina AKAR diterima sebagai ahli Umno dan isu Bangsa
Malaysia dijaja semula. Isu-isu ini diharap dapat mematahkan isu sekolah
wawasan, SRJKC dan cengkaman terhadap Nanyang.
Sekali pandang nampak agresif Umno dan MCA tetapi itu hanya pada luaran
sahaja. Punca sebenar kebakaran DTC telah menempelak Puteri Umno. Rezab
yang berkurang membimbangkan ramai pelabur termasuk kaum Cina. Boikot
akhbar pula akan terheret nun jauh di Likas sana. Dan yang penting sekali
kepututsan Hakim Md Kamil itu mungkin akan menenggelamkan semua isu
yang lainnya betapa BN telah menipu dan sanggup membunuh untuk berkuasa.
Itu sukar dilupakan kerana ia tercatat dalam sejarah kehakiman negara.
- Editor] www.malaysiakini.com Wednesday, 11 July 01 MGG Pillai Was it, as the Star reported, a "historic moment"? Three
men -- deputy president Lim Ah Lek, vice-presidents Chua Jui Meng
and Chan Kong Choy, intractible political foes of Ling --
remained seated, did not join in. They read the Chinese mood
better than Ling, knew what it meant to the Chinese, a
32-year-old dream come true. A misstep would cause them plenty.
But they knew what the delegates did not: Ling got the
letter about Universiti Tunku Abdul Rahman College a year ago,
did not inform the central committee, kept it to himself and his
cronies for political and financial gain. It was left to him to
announce it at his propitious convenience. He could not; he had
to shore up his flagging support.
Word is he was to announce it during the MCA party elections
next year. The Nanyang Press and the Vision School fiascos
combined with his arrogance threw his plans out of gear. The
Gang of Eight wanted answers he would not give. The Chinese
ground is dismissive of him, as the MCA now. He had to make a
dramatic statement. So, he fished out the letter.
Niggling questions That he did at a state party meeting now and not at the MCA
convention next month reflects both worry and fright. Niggling
questions remain. When did the cabinet approve it? Did it at
all? Did Ling agree to few Chinese language schools in return
for a university? Why was Parliament not apprised of it? The
education ministry must clear the air. Ling did not expect the
Vision School problem to surface so soon, and got caught.
He wants no more, so he told the MCA delegates in Ipoh, than
make UTAR come true. He plans for it, even before his central
committee knows of it. It is he, not MCA, in charge. He, not
MCA, shall discuss the details with the government. UTAR is yet
one more reason, in his view, to let him remain in office as long
as he likes. The rumour, which Ling has denied, that he wants
his vice-presidential and cabinet crony, Ong Ka Ting, as his
deputy, cannot be far wrong. He does not want the Gang of Eight
or any other who does not share his flawed vision to correct it.
But Ling helps MCA stumble. Chinese educationists, led by
the redoubtable (and now octogenarian) Sim Mow Yee, wanted a
Chinese-run Merdeka University, and an important demand in the
1969 general elections. The then prime minister, Tunku Abdul
Rahman, deflected it by allowing MCA to run TAR College, and it
survives with little mentioned government grants and
ringgit-for-ringgit contributions. UTAR would get some, but not all, incentives TARC got. MCA
cannot run it on its own and needs the very groups in the Chinese
community it opposes. So, when Ling plays hide-and-seek with
them, and his party, over it, it faces more problems than it
bargained for. A Chinese-run university is anathema to the Malay
political community as Chinese-language education is. If MCA
wants Chinese community support, it must let go and bring the
Chinese educationists in. Chinese education UTAR would no doubt be exempted from the high licence fees
for private universities, said to be RM75 million. If TARC is
any guide, it would get government guarantees, grants-in-aid, and
any other help to bring Chinese support back to the government.
As events proved, Chinese education will tie the government in
knots, as the newer generation of Chinese, the grandchildren of
the founding fathers, strengthen their citizenship in their
cultural confidence. The MCA does not fit into this worldview, as UMNO does not
to the Malay grandchildren's. Its record in education is patchy.
TARC is an exception, with government grants and aid, and was
there when the explosion of tutorial classes for foreign degrees
was the vogue. It still gets sizeable donations annually, which
would trickle when UTAR claims are more pressing.
It cannot be replicated. MCA did, in the early days, do
much for Chinese education; ministers sang for their supper, but
that is now rare as MCA raising funds for Chinese independent
schools. So, Ling, in keeping news of the university secret, is
true to form: billions or ringgit would be spent (and made?) in
establishing UTAR. It should not be MCA which should run UTAR, but the Chinese
community. UMNO does not run any universities, MIC dabbles in a
medical faculty, and MCA now in a university. It is seen as
proof of its commitment. It thinks it does the community proud.
It does not. It should instead leave it to a high-level
committee of community leaders. Success and failure Look at how the Chinese community rose in unison, in the
1950s and 1960s, to establish Nanyang University in Singapore:
millionaires to beggars, in what is best described as a Chinese
gotong royong, contributed their mite to collect hundreds of
millions (read billions, in today's devalued currency) of
dollars. It was built not to favour cronies, but to the larger
ideal of education. But its failure -- it was eventually taken over by the
government -- came when it was seen as a hotbed of
anti-government activity. The old stalwarts in the community
died, and the newer ones did not support it as their parents did.
Funding became a problem, and with its political complications,
it could not survive independently. When the business man Chang Min Thien offered an MCA agency
RM10 million to set up a foundation for education, none of it was
distributed, before it was forced to return it. In the 1980s,
several MCA leaders went to jail, was disgraced, when funds in
the Kojadi deposit-taking co-operative, meant to help students
with their fees, vanished into thin air. UTAR would be built,
but could it last if it is built on shaky foundations as MCA is
in? M.G.G. Pillai
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