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| MGG: The Betrayal of the Merdeka Generation By M.G.G. Pillai 1/9/2001 10:52 am Sat | 
| I had written this for my column, Chiaroscuro, and a version of 
it appeared today, August 31 01, in Malaysiakini under the 
heading: The Malaysian - Malaysia's irrelevant minority. - MGG 
  www.malaysiakini.com  31 August 01    CHIAROSCURO  The month-long ceremonies, most out of view of or irrelevant to 
most citizens, ends with Merdeka Day on August 31, this Friday 
for the 44th time since the first in 1957.  If there is a 
mystical or cultural significance for it, as there once was, it 
is hidden or ignored.  When once we looked upon it as a sign of 
our coming of age in the world of nations, today we look upon it 
as an occasion for self-important speeches and parades that had 
lost its meaning and relevance a long time ago.  What lacks these 
days in our Merdeka celebrations is the nation's soul.  The 
government thought materiel progress could replace it, but 
without a belief in what independence is about, even that 
flounders.  And without a soul, Malaysia is nothing. 
   The shared unity of early independence has become fiction, 
no more now than irrelevant posturing, with a clear-cut division 
between the cultural worldview and the political.  Where once the 
demarcation was by race, today it is blown open by dialects and 
language, and split further by inaction. 
   To those like me, a teenager at that magical moment in 1957, 
independence brought us of age, an end to a colonial domination 
and a new life as citizens of an independent country, Merdeka Day 
this year emphasises, if nothing else, the political betrayal of 
a nation.  What we hoped Malaya, and then Malaysia, would be at 
its creation is today forgotten, everything reduced to ringgit 
and sen, with anyone believing in ideals a crank.  What held the 
nation together in 1957 -- the ideal of a shared destiny -- is no 
more.   The Prime Minister, Dr Mahathir Mohamed, in two decades as 
prime minister, must take much blame for this.  He took office 
with good intentions, but understood not the Malay content to 
live in the 18th century world around him, and unwilling to be 
hurled screaming into the twentieth century. 
   When he scolded the Malay for his views, and made major 
cultural mistakes, especially how he treated his deputy prime 
minister, Anwar Ibrahim, the Malays walked out on him.  Merdeka 
Day these days is yet one more way to wean the Malay back into 
his political clutches, and of relevance to few else.  The 
flagmakers make money, the service providers make money, and the 
tamasha is yet another soporific to keep the multitude 
unquestioning and angry.   To compensate, UMNO lurches into outsmarting PAS in using 
religion to succeed.  It is a double-edged sword, as the Shah of 
Iran found to his cost.  To keep it in the Malay loop, UMNO must 
be seen to more Islamic than PAS;  and PAS need do no more than 
accuse it of being unIslamic for UMNO to dissemble.  As we 
approach Merdeka Day this year, the practical political reality 
is not to preserve the multiracial state but to ensure the 
dominance of an UMNO-led Islamic state.  The multiracial ideal is 
all but gone.   So, Merdeka Day is one more occasion for the government to 
tell the world he can ignore a society's culture and replace it 
with an economic society sans culture but based on greed and 
material progress.  Lip service is all we get what a nation ought 
to be.  Only UMNO's prescription is acceptable, all others 
deemed irrelevant.   Malaysia is therefore still an artificial state sans the 
cultural and intellectual sinews to be considered a nation.  The 
most irrelevant minority in Malaysia is the Malaysian.  It would 
be hard put to find one among our friends.  Without him, she 
moves headless and clueless to a mystical nationhood.  This lack 
of intellectual discourse sets it back.  The government decides, 
usually without thinking, what it should be, and woe betide any 
who challenges its premise or confront it with ideas of his own. 
   The past two decades moved away from the ideal, governance 
concentrated on one man, the prime minister, and now tottering 
because the Malay cultural ground which was the raison d'etre of 
UMNO's political theory of Malay Dominance which was packaged as 
the New Economic Policy.  That cannot now be sustained:  no 
effort is made to preserve its intellectual foundations and 
without that the Chinese business man no longer would help UMNO 
sustain it.   The genius of the first prime minister, Tengku Abdul Rahman, 
gave the Indians and Chinese in 1957 a place in the Malayan, and 
Malaysian, sun;  six years earlier they could not even be 
citizens.  Sabah, Sarawak, and for two years, Singapore, joined 
Malaysia, in this attempt to create a unified nation of different 
races, tribes, cultures.  The Tengku took seriously his belief in 
the unity of races, and consultation with his coalition partners 
and racial leaders laid the foundations. 
   That had its first rude shock in the May 1969 riots, when 
UMNO to preserve Malay hegemony did what amounts to a coup d'etat 
on the Malay community with its political policy of Malay 
dominance.  It had the twin plank of keeping the Chinese, Indians 
and the non-Malay bumiputra tribes politically subservient to the 
dominant Malay, and ensure UMNO was forever the leader of the 
Malays.   One important casualty was race relations.  What caused the 
riots was the Chinese-Malay cultural divide.  The Indians, 
instead of staying neutral or side with the Malays, opted to be 
with the Chinese and factored themselves out of the Malaysian 
equation.  The New Economic Policy and Malay Dominance paid scant 
reference to Indian needs, long on hope and little of substance. 
The past 44 years therefore reduced the Indian to that of the 
underdog he was during the British interregnum.  That has 
worsened, with the belief he has power, as a member of the 
governing coalition but in reality none at all. 
   Without this intellectual and cultural underpinning 
Malaysia, coupled with the single-minded political 
destruction of its institutions of state, there is little that a 
citizen can rejoice on August 31.  The wrongs are not righted, 
and with no intention to.   The economic and industrial growth is reduced to a parody: 
the official desire to be the largest, the biggest, the deepest, 
the shallowest to be in the record books reflects not confidence 
in the Malay Dominance Government the UMNO-led National Front 
government leads, but as an attempt to prove to the people that 
they still have the moral right to govern. 
   To further complicate matters, when Malay Dominance lost its 
hold, UMNO rushed into Islam and tries to dictate the Islamic 
Agenda, only to play into the hands of theocrats, notably the 
Parti Sa-Islam Malaysia (PAS).  Malay Dominance was re-packaged 
with a theocratic worldview, but PAS need no more than throw 
regular spanners in the National Front works for it to dissemble. 
To prove PAS wrong, UMNO becomes even more Islam in its political 
policies than PAS.  But it destroys willy nilly the Malaysia it 
created.  And PAS plays its cards well.  It is UMNO, not PAS, 
that must now prove its Islamic credentials. 
   This is probably the worst Merdeka celebrations in the past 
20 years, for it is the first in which the ideal of Malaysia is 
not even in the minds of its leaders.  But this would not be 
admitted.  The Malay ground seethes, the Chinese ground grovels, 
the Indian ground tries to recover lost ground, the tribes of 
Sabah and Sarawak discuss if they need UMNO or the National Front 
to survive.  The government does not have a clear policy on the 
eve of its 44th independence day celebrations to prove them 
wrong.  Unpalatable truths that would be ignored while the 
makebelieve of how good we would take pride of place.  But the 
truth still cannot be masked.  M.G.G. Pillai  |