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Daim: I Don't Want Malays in Public Service By Seah Chiang Nee 29/4/2001 1:51 am Sun |
[Ini bukan rencana reformasi tetapi mengandungi beberapa
maklumat yang berguna mengenai Daim dan tindak-tanduknya.
Bagi Daim, orang melayu tidak akan mampu kaya-raya melalui
bekerja di sektor awam melainkan mereka mengerjakan sistem
melalui berniaga. Daim mahu orang melayu keluar berniaga.
Dalam buku Daim (yang tentunya memuji diri sendiri), beliau
menceritakan bahawa dengan melibatkan diri kembali di dalam
kabinet, beliau telah meminggirkan kepentingan perniagaannya
yang lebih menguntungkan. Beliau juga mengatakan tidak
mencampuri urusan politik dengan karier niaganya.
Tetapi realitinya politik dan karier sudah bercampur baur
kesemuanya. Krisis ekonomi telah menelanjangkan kesemua
pujian yang meninggi yang tercatat di dalam buku itu. Daim
mengerjakan karier untuk perniagaannya. Halal atau haram
belakang kira apatah lagi sikap bertanggung jawab kepada
negara. Beliau bercuti diam-diam tanpa khabar dan berita
seminggu lamanya di saat negara amat memerlukan satu polisi
baru untuk menangani masalah ekonomi negara. Nyatalah
beliau membuat lain kerja sehingga terpaksa bercuti kerana
banyak yang perlu dikerjakan sebelum dikejarkan kesemuanya.
Ahli Umno sendiri sudah bising dan mahukan jawapan yang amat
ditakutinya dalam perhimpunan agung Umno. Dengan bercuti dua
bulan lamanya dapatlah beliau melarikan diri dari diserang
sesiapa kerana tidak bertugas secara rasmi ketika gejala
melanda. Biarkan Mahathir menjadi asakan semua....
- Editor] 26 April 2001 I Don't Want Malays in Public Service
He wants the Malays out of civil service. They must go out, face the
world and fight to survive. The man who said this is Daim Zainuddin,
who's both criticised and admired for money politics and his
hard-headed economics. "A few soft-spoken words into one receptive ear of the Prime Minister
is better than 20 years of talking hard in Parliament."
Former Agriculture Minister Sanusi Junid used to tell this to close
friends when talking about politics in Malaysia - and probably much of
Asia. For this reason, if you had asked any Malaysian who was the second
most powerful man in Malaysia, he would probably have replied: Daim
Zainuddin, Finance Minister and UMNO Treasurer.
Because he had both Dr. Mahathir's ears and his trust, the Finance
Minister's words had helped to shape Malaysia's economic policies for
20 years. This is no longer true. The relationship has since soured and Mr. Daim - so the speculation
goes - may soon be out of the cabinet.
What sort of man was he? A book "Daim - The Man Behind The Enigma"
published six years ago gives an indication. It was based on
interviews given to two well-known women journalists, Cheong Mei Sui
and Adibah Amin. It is easy to understand why he commanded so much influence. What he
advocated - a free market, a competitive environment, privatisation
and reduction of government size - had helped to reshape Malaysia,
especially the Malays. With Dr. Mahathir's heavy industrialisation, it had turned Malaysia
into a rapidly developing nation, vastly improved its competitiveness
against its neighbours, including Singapore.
Many of Mr. Daim's concepts are based less on race and emotions than
on hard realism. Some are close to what Singapore leaders would do
under similar circumstances. Take the 1985-86 recession. As finance minister, he immediately
tightened everyone's belt, including pruning the huge, cumbersome
civil service, freezing employment - although short of cutting pay
that the republic did. But that was enough to earn him widespread criticism because the
public service was the place the Malays had always relied on for jobs.
With recruitment frozen, where would they go? More than 60,000
graduates became unemployed. Almost all were Malays. They became a
pressure group. The next move was to do away with the pension scheme
for government servants. The Malays came to complain to him. "Good," said Mr. Daim. "I don't want Malays to join the public
sector." He said the British colonialists had wanted it that way, to
have the Malays in cosy, easy and relaxed jobs.
"The challenge is outside. The Malays must go out. Face the world.
Fight to survive," he said. The service does not produce millionaires
unless through corruption, only the corporate world can."
Mr. Daim also revealed the circumstances leading to Malaysia's
decision to break up the Singapore-Malaysia stock exchange, blaming it
on the 1985 Pan Pacific crisis. It went into receivership to head off panic selling of its shares, the
Singapore authorities decided to suspend the market.
Monetary Authority of Singapore Managing Director Joe Pillai called
Mr. Daim on a Sunday on the eve of the closure and said it would close
for three days. The Kuala Lumpur side had to make its own decision.
The shares were traded jointly in both places. The KL side had no
choice but to close, too, to prevent dumping of shares on Malaysia.
"It was then that Daim decided the exchange should be split to give
Malaysia control of its own market," the book alleged. That and, of
course, the vast financial potentials of an independent market.
But in his interview, Mr. Daim paid tribute to where it was due
especially on the strong Sing-dollar, which he said, had raised some
jealousy in the early days. Mr. Daim said he had explained to the
Malays that it was due to Singapore's superior economic performance
and efficiency. It was the same with the stock market. People bought Malaysian shares
in Singapore because it was more efficient and the brokers there had
bigger capital bases to handle huge volumes.
Then when Singapore set up CLOB after the split, the Malaysian cabinet
was unhappy but he took a different stand. The split had bought chaos
to a hot market when Malaysian brokers could not handle the volumes.
Millions of shares went missing. If it had not been for CLOB, the problem would have been much worse,
Mr. Daim said, and no foreigner would come to invest in Malaysia.
Mr. Daim defended charges that he had enriched himself through his
closeness to Dr. Mahathir and the control he had of the multi-billion
dollar UMNO corporate empire. He said he had always separated his own personal interests and those
of the country and party. In fact, he said he had lost financially in
serving the country, hence his resignation. His book also brought out
some aspects of the personal relations between Senior Minister Lee
Kuan Yew and Dr. Mahathir Mohamad.
When Dr Mahathir suffered from a heart attack in 1989 which needed a
bypass, Mr. Lee (who was then Prime Minister) made many calls on his
treatment. The night before the operation, Mr. Lee contacted Mr. Daim and
suggested he contact the (now late) Australian cardiac surgeon Victor
Chang after obtaining Dr. Mahathir's consent.
Mr. Daim rang the hospital and was told the doctors had already begun
preparation, so he rang Mr. Lee back to tell him it was too late.
Mr. Lee offered to fly Dr. Chang to Kuala Lumpur and said the
Singapore government would bear all costs. He said it was worth
delaying the operation for 24 or 48 hours. Dr. Chang (who was my heart
transplant surgeon) had done 1,000 operations, he said.
Mr. Daim told Dr. Mahathir's wife, Mrs (Dr) Siti Hasmah but she said
since her husband had wanted local doctors to do it, the family would
honour his wish. "Kuan Yew said he was very concerned: he did not want to lose a
friend," he said. After the bypass, he called Mr. Daim four times to
check on Dr. Mahathir's condition. It was reciprocated when Dr. Mahathir later made a quick trip to
Singapore to visit Brig-General Lee Hsien Loong when he was admitted
to hospital for cancer treatment, when he himself was fighting a
crucial by-election in Johor. What was his biggest regret, he was asked. It was the failure to
introduce a Singapore-type goods and services tax. He saw this switch
from taking earnings to taxing consumption as vital for Malaysia's
competitiveness. People are waiting to see if he remains - in the words of Senior
Minister Lee "a shaker and mover of events."
Seah Chiang Nee http://www.littlespeck.com/ |