Laman Webantu KM2A1: 4938 File Size: 8.0 Kb * |
TJ MK: Keadilan Sebenarnya Buta By Karim Raslan 11/7/2001 9:46 pm Wed |
[Thaksin, Gus Dur dan Estrada sedang disiasat oleh pihak berkenaan
di negara mereka. Tetapi Mahathir enggan datang walaupun sebagai saksi
pembela. Sebaliknya dia mengkritik hakim pula kerana tidak menyebelahi
kerajaan. Malah menangkap lagi melalui ISA sedangkan hakim baru sahaja
memutuskan ia tidak adil kerana perlembagaan lebih tinggi dari akta.
Kita hairan mengapa Rais yang belajar undang-undang itu pun tidak
faham falsafah undang-undang: 'Dalam sejarah purba Yunani, keadilan digambarkan oleh satu tugu
berbentuk seorang wanita yang ditutup kedua matanya sedang membawa
satuneraca penimbang. Balutan pada matanya itu AMAT penting kerana
ia mengingatkan kita keadilan itu perlu dilaksanakan dengan penuh
tanggungjawab seadil-adilnya tanpa memilih bulu atau memihak kepada
sesiapa.' - Karim Raslan. Rakyat Malaysia sudah cukup matang untuk menilai sikap kerajaan yang
langsung tidak menghormati keputusan hakim serta mengekang kebebasan
bersuara. Tangkapan tanpa perbicaraan untuk mendiamkan kritik itu akan
mengundang kebencian dan kekecewaan yang mungkin meledak satu ketika nanti.
Itu termasuk pelabur luar yang sudah sangsi untuk datang kemari.
- Editor] Malaysian courts' chance to regain respect
By Karim Raslan THE Malaysian courts, mirroring developments across the region, have
been busy. There have been three dramatic judicial decisions in recent
weeks, and the likelihood of more to follow.
Firstly, on May 30, in an emotionally charged judgment, Justice
Hishamudin Yunus granted a habeas corpus application in the Shah Alam
High Court for two Keadilan activists detained under the Internal
Security Act (ISA). Secondly, on June 8, the Kota Kinabalu High Court declared the state
election for the Likas constituency held on March 13, 1999 null and
void. Finally, on June 28, the Federal Court allowed lawyer Zainur Zakaria
to appeal against conviction for contempt of court.
While the immediate impact of the rulings was obvious enough - the
detainees released, a by-election in Sabah and a lawyer saved from
imprisonment - the long-term implications need to be spelt out.
Certainly, a demonstration of judicial independence and integrity is
long overdue. Following a decade during which the reputation of the
Malaysian judiciary plummeted to execrable lows amid allegations of
sleaze, corruption and incompetence, the recent decisions represent a
breath of fresh air. Interestingly, the rule of law and the independence of the judiciary
are now critical to South-east Asia's future.
As the region attempts to come to terms with transition politics,
accountability and the ramifications of the civil-society agenda, the
integrity of the courts becomes increasingly moot.
To my mind, there are five key issues linked to the rulings.
Firstly, the judges are not practising judicial activism. They are
neither making the law, nor are they playing politics. They are merely
returning to the status quo ante - the situation that existed in the
1960s and 1970s, when there were consistent flashes of judicial
independence. Under the leadership of the current Chief Justice, Tan Sri Dzaiddin
Abdullah, the judges are, once again, endeavouring to be scrupulous
and fair - deciding the cases before them on the basis of the law and
the facts they are presented with: nothing more, nothing less.
Connected with this point is the fact that the members of the
Malaysian judiciary are generally conservative by inclination.
Given their ages, education and income (most High Court judges are
over the age of 40), they will have become de facto members of the
country's elite. This does not mean they reject change, far from it. However, they will
be advocates of evolution, not revolution. Moreover, after more than a
decade of hanging their heads in shame, many of the country's judges
intend to restore the community's confidence in their calling.
And as honourable men and women they will want to do the right thing,
irrespective of the consequences. They recognise that mere expedience
will condemn the Bench to ignominy for another decade.
Secondly, the recent decisions have shown that the common-law legal
system is responsive to change, and that it is not inherently corrupt
or unjust. This is an important point because Parti Islam SeMalaysia (PAS) has
argued persuasively, citing the Anwar Ibrahim debacle, that the only
means of overcoming persistent injustice is to jettison the entire
common-law system and replace it with Syariah law.
Thirdly, the sense of excitement in the courts is merely the beginning
of a long battle to revive the reliability, respectability and
credibility of the legal system as a whole.
These are early days. A few high-profile decisions do not constitute
an overhaul. You cannot wave a magic wand when it comes to
institution-building: You have to be patient.
While the Malaysian legal system has been weakened, it has not been
destroyed. In fact, having survived the depredations of the past
decade, both the Bench and the Bar recognise the need to restore the
system to its former vitality. The same cannot be said of either Thailand or Indonesia.
Both countries suffer from a severe shortage of trained lawyers and
credible individuals. After 30 years under the Suharto New Order
government, there are very few Indonesians who are untainted by
corruption or collusion. Nonetheless, this struggle is vital to any nation's long-term economic
prospects, because both local and foreign businessmen place a great
deal of importance on the efficacy and integrity of a legal system.
Put frankly, the legal system's drastic decline during the 1990s
damaged Malaysia's international standing severely.
Fourthly, as Justice Hishamudin argued in his judgment, there has to
be more public debate about the ISA. Most younger Malaysians are very unhappy with the ISA and want it to
be reviewed, if not repealed. In fact, since the events of 1998, the
entire security apparatus has come under increased public scrutiny.
Are the tactics and mindset of the Cold War era still applicable in
today's Malaysia? The police and the courts have to respond to the public's growing
restiveness and dissatisfaction. People want to know how and why
national security is being endangered.
Young Malaysians feel they are mature enough and educated enough to
draw their own conclusions. If their aspirations are not met the
resentment and frustration will lead to further trouble.
Finally, the judiciary can flourish only in an environment where the
rich and powerful are willing to accept the rule of law.
Charismatic and popular figures across South-east Asia have tried to
undermine the primacy of the courts. In this respect, Malaysia is
better placed than its neighbours, albeit only marginally so.
In ancient Greece, justice was represented by the figure of a
blindfolded woman carrying a set of weighing scales. The blindfold is
all-important because it reminds us that justice must be applied
even-handedly. In an ideal world, status, wealth and influence are of no consequence. In the Philippines, former president Joseph Estrada has refused to
acknowledge the legitimacy of the charges proffered against him.
In Thailand, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra, much like President
Abdurrahman Wahid of Indonesia, has hinted darkly at the possibility
of street violence and mob rule in the event of his conviction by the
Constitutional Court. |