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Asiaweek: Tightening The Screws [Justice ISA] By Sangwon Suh 11/8/2001 5:56 pm Sat |
[Jangan lekas gembira dengan kebangkitan hakim kini
kerana Mahathir pernah membunuh institusi kehakiman negara
bila sudah tidak tertahan. Kini Mahathir merombak beberapa
syarikat dengan meletak tokoh ekonomi baru agar pelabur kembali
ke pasaran. Inilah Mahathir yang sama yang mengambil Anwar
sehingga ramai terpedaya dan memberi undi kepada Umno. Tetapi
bila kepentingan anak-anak dan dirinya terjejas, Mahathir
memecat dan mengaibkan semua tokoh-tokoh itu dengan begitu
terancang sekali. Hakim Dzaidin perlu berhati-hati kerana
Mahathir baru memberi kereta baru yang amat mewah buat Agung
tempoh hari... Tightening the Screws The Malaysian government has long been accused of using the Internal
Security Act to silence political opponents. A court ruling last week
struck a blow against that strategy, but the battle has just begun
By SANGWON SUH The trial of the century it wasn't. But the main courtroom of the
Federal Court in downtown Kuala Lumpur nonetheless overflowed
with lawyers and spectators. The case involved the habeas corpus
application of six opposition activists being held by police under the
Internal Security Act. A draconian piece of legislation left over from
colonial times, the ISA allows for detention without trial for up to two
years. After briefly consulting with four other judges in the panel, chief
justice Dzaiddin Abdullah gave his ruling: The onus was on the state to
produce evidence that showed the six defendants were indeed
threatening national security, as the government claimed. The court
was then adjourned for a month to give the government some time to
prepare its case. In most other countries, the Aug. 6 ruling might have been seen as a
minor legal development of no interest to the general public. In
Malaysia, it was viewed as a small landmark, a crucial victory for judicial
independence. The government has long been accused of using the
ISA, originally intended for communist insurgents, against political
opponents. Yet here was the court pulling it back and demanding that
it legally justify its action. In essence, the judgment put the ISA, and
the way it was being used, on trial. "The tide seems to be turning in
the courts," says Param Cumarasamy, a U.N. rapporteur and former
president of the Malaysian Bar Council. "The judiciary has been trying
to reassert its independence since Dzaiddin was appointed chief
justice last year." The court's decision comes at a time when Prime Minister Mahathir
Mohamad - who, at 75, has spent 20 years in office and is
approaching the twilight of his political career - is battling to save his
legacy. In the wake of the contentious Anwar Ibrahim saga, Mahathir
has lost much of the support of Malay-Muslims, many of whom have
switched to the opposition Parti Islam SeMalaysia (Pas). The economy
has taken a turn for the worse, with GDP growth expected to be just
1.5% this year, compared to 8.5% in 2000. As if to make a
pre-emptive strike against those who might act as party-poopers on
Mahathir's final victory lap, the police have been cracking down on
people linked with the opposition. But Dzaiddin's ruling, in addition to
striking a blow for judicial independence, limits Mahathir's ability to
wield the ISA in his final days as prime minister.
For the opposition, the judgment came none too soon. Just a few
days before, the police had arrested 10 people under the ISA on
grounds of plotting to overthrow the government by force. Most of
the detainees were young members of Pas. The conservative Islamic
party has been on the ascendant in recent years and controls the
states of Kelantan and Trengganu. The arrested men - who included
Nik Adli, a son of Pas leader and Kelantan chief minister Nik Aziz Nik
Mat - were allegedly part of a well-armed extremist group called
Kumpulan Mujahidin. Members of the organization, the authorities
claimed, had received military training in Afghanistan and were
allegedly responsible for a spate of crimes, including the murder of an
Indian politician and the bombings of a church and a Hindu temple.
The group was also supposedly engaged in a "holy war" against the
state. Pas wasn't the only opposition party targeted by the government.
The six men whose case Dzaiddin heard were among 10 members of
Keadilan who were detained under the ISA in April. They were accused
of making bombs and plotting to oust the government through
violence. Fellow oppositionist Lim Kit Siang of the Democratic Action
Party denounced the arrests: "If the government has strong, credible
evidence it should present it in a proper court of law rather than have
. . . the detainees locked up indefinitely without charges or an
opportunity to defend themselves in a free trial."
Now Lim is getting his wish. Even before the Aug. 6 decision, the
other four Keadilan arrestees had already been released. When freeing
two of them by court order, judge Hishamuddin Yunus said the police
had "failed to produce evidence to substantiate allegations" of
conpiracy against the government.
Suhakam, a local human rights group, recently released a report in which it urged the government "to respond to the changing political climate and changing aspirations of the society." Certainly, the latest ruling suggests change is in the air. But those anticipating a Kuala Lumpur Spring might do well to cast their minds back to 1988. That was the last time the courts tried to assert their independence - and they were promptly cut down to size in a crackdown that saw the sackings of the chief justice and five other judges. |